Recent evidence of behaviour and social sciences is the basis for the socio-cognitive idea that race is a construction based on observable physical properties (for example. B skin color) that have acquired social importance (see Banton, 1983). Loury, 2002; Omi and Winant, 1986). In addition to physical characteristics, assigned characteristics and other characteristics such as first name, clothing and food can also contribute to racial categorizations (see z.B. Nagel, 1994). Cultural factors such as language, religion and nationality have been used more often to refer to ethnicity – that is, groups of people sharing a common cultural heritage, such as several European groups of immigrants to the United States (Bobo, 2001).1 I am still trying to understand, all these years later, the way of thinking that made these amazing escapes cognitively possible. On the other hand, since I began systematically working on race a quarter of a century ago, I have argued that we should address these issues of social justice within the framework of “white supremacy.” A positive epistemtic aspect of the election of Donald Trump in general, and George Floyd`s protests this summer in particular, is that such a framework no longer seems as radical as it should for traditional types. Many more Americans of all races, including white Americans, now recognize the centrality of institutionalized racial domination for the country`s education and development. We only need political philosophy to catch up. For the origins of modern concepts of race and racism in Europe and the influence of European concepts on North American colonies, See Anderson (1983), Blaut (1993), Frederickson (2002), Graham (1990), Hannaford (1996), Higginbotham (1996), Klein (1999), Northrup (1994), O`Callaghan (1980) and Winant (2001). The race treaty is not partisan – it leads strong conservatives and sensitive liberals – but it works most effectively when it remains imable by its beneficiaries.
As long as it is invisible, members of society can act as if the provisions of the social contract apply equally to all. But when an injustice pushes the racial treaty outwards, it forces people to decide whether they want to accept, challenge or deny their existence. The video evidence of unjustified shootings of blacks is in part so confusing because it so clearly unmasks the terms of the race treaty. But as the Arbery trial shows, the race contract most often works unnoticed and relies on Americans to implicitly understand who is bound by the rules and who is exempt from it. White; Black, African-American or Negro; American Indian or Alaska Native (indicate strain); India-Asian; Chinese; Filipino; Other Asians (print races); Japanese; Korean; Vietnamese; Hawaiian; Guamanian or Chamorro; Samoan; Other Pacific Islanders (print races); Certain other races (people who consider themselves multi-racial may choose two or more races) Categories: Hispanic or Latino and non-Hispanic or Latino.